Guest post: Mongolian democracy and its oligarchs
Over the weekend Mongolia will host the seventh ministerial conference of the Community of Democracies, a global caucus of democratic nations formed with the intention of fostering democracy around the world. For Mongolia, holding the chairmanship and hosting the ministerial conference are confirmation of its achievements in democratic development.
The establishment of democracy in Mongolia appears unlikely in hindsight and in comparison with other cases. Following the declaration of the Mongolian People’s Republic in 1924 the country saw no significant political or other resistance movements until the winter of 1989-90. The prevailing interpretation of events that winter was that students carried ideas associated with Mikhail Gorbachev’s glasnost and perestroika policies back to their Mongolian homeland and began pressuring the ruling Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party (MPRP). Soon thereafter, the MPRP “transmogrified” (according to renowned Inner Asia scholar Morris Rossabi) into a democratic party through a series of leadership changes and legal and constitutional reforms. Only a few months later – in July 1990 – the first multi-party elections were held and, presto, Mongolia became democratic.
Consider the fates of other states that embarked on reform around the same time. Yes, eastern Europe has firmly embraced democracy, though there have been significant stumbles along the way (war in the former Yugoslavia and the Caucasus, various extremist parties, Belarus, etc). Elsewhere in Asia? Democracy was beaten down violently in China in 1989. Vietnam has not embraced political reform. Cambodia’s politics have been tumultuous. Most former Soviet republics in central Asia and the Caucasus have been governed by authoritarian leaders. Russia itself is far from a model democracy in substantive as well as formal terms.
Meanwhile, Mongolia is heading for its sixth presidential election in June this year. As the incumbent, Tsakhia Elbegdorj, welcomes such celebrities of democracy as Nobel Peace Prize laureates Tawakkol Karman and Aung San Suu Kyi to the weekend’s conference, his parliament is embroiled in the kind of scandal and party rivalries that democratic parties get engaged in.
As Elbegdorj runs for re-election, a fellow Democratic Party politician, N Altankhuyag, has been serving as prime minister since last year’s parliamentary election. The DP also has the chairmanship of parliament, held by Z Enkhbold, and thus controls the legislative calendar. E Bat-Uul, also of the DP, is the mayor of Ulan Bator. The DP thus holds the four most powerful offices in Mongolia. Meanwhile, the largest opposition party, the Mongolian People’s Party (successor to the state socialist MPRP) is in disarray and leaderless, as evidenced by its failure to produce a presidential candidate to oppose Elbegdorj.
Despite the seemingly overwhelming power of the DP, there are cracks in its rule. In parliament, it governs in a shaky coalition with the Justice Coalition and the Civil Will Green Party. A DP member of parliament, S Bayartsogt, recently resigned as deputy chairman of parliament after reports that he had an offshore company and a Swiss bank account. The MPP is calling for Bayartsogt’s resignation from his parliamentary seat and an investigation by the Anti-Corruption Agency, and pushing for a no-confidence vote in Prime Minister Altankhuyag.
Some observers, especially in Mongolia, have expressed fears that the country is increasingly led by “oligarchs”. But Mongolia’s business leaders are not Russian-style oligarchs, in part because they represent conglomerates that, in many cases, have become legitimate diversified business groups. Mongolian democracy was lucky in that the country’s resource wealth was not fully recognized until nearly 20 years after the democratic revolution and an initial wave of privatisation in the chaotic 1990s. Except for the still-unresolved case of the murder of democracy activist S Zorig in 1996, Mongolian politics have been free from the violence that seems to mark Russian oligarchs and their disagreements. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, these businessmen have been elected to parliament as legitimately nominated members of their respective parties.
The main concern about the role of businessmen in parliament and cabinet is, of course, that their private interests may trump their obligation to act in the public interest as legislators. This is the fear that motivates the beefed-up anti-corruption and conflict of interest legislation and enforcement in Mongolia. The major parties are complicit in the presence of rich politicians by charging candidates a fee that is used to fund campaign activities. Mongolian democracy is wrestling with one of the challenges – campaign finance – that all democracies seem to face worldwide.
The parties also suffer from a lack of an ideological or political basis. While the DP was in the 1990s seen as a more liberal party, in the European sense of being business-friendly, this distinction has long gone. The MPP has lost all its socialist origins. This lack of an ideological base has not only opened the parties to powerful businessmen, but has also created space for short-term populism in debates about mining policy, for example.
Like other democracies, Mongolia continues to live with institutional short-comings, less-than-stellar politicians and occasional scandals. Given the surprising emergence and durability of democracy in Mongolia, it is entirely appropriate to celebrate this achievement by hosting an international democracy caucus in Ulan Bator.
Julian Dierkes is associate professor at the Institute of Asian Research, University of British Colombia
The establishment of democracy in Mongolia appears unlikely in hindsight and in comparison with other cases. Following the declaration of the Mongolian People’s Republic in 1924 the country saw no significant political or other resistance movements until the winter of 1989-90. The prevailing interpretation of events that winter was that students carried ideas associated with Mikhail Gorbachev’s glasnost and perestroika policies back to their Mongolian homeland and began pressuring the ruling Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party (MPRP). Soon thereafter, the MPRP “transmogrified” (according to renowned Inner Asia scholar Morris Rossabi) into a democratic party through a series of leadership changes and legal and constitutional reforms. Only a few months later – in July 1990 – the first multi-party elections were held and, presto, Mongolia became democratic.
Consider the fates of other states that embarked on reform around the same time. Yes, eastern Europe has firmly embraced democracy, though there have been significant stumbles along the way (war in the former Yugoslavia and the Caucasus, various extremist parties, Belarus, etc). Elsewhere in Asia? Democracy was beaten down violently in China in 1989. Vietnam has not embraced political reform. Cambodia’s politics have been tumultuous. Most former Soviet republics in central Asia and the Caucasus have been governed by authoritarian leaders. Russia itself is far from a model democracy in substantive as well as formal terms.
Meanwhile, Mongolia is heading for its sixth presidential election in June this year. As the incumbent, Tsakhia Elbegdorj, welcomes such celebrities of democracy as Nobel Peace Prize laureates Tawakkol Karman and Aung San Suu Kyi to the weekend’s conference, his parliament is embroiled in the kind of scandal and party rivalries that democratic parties get engaged in.
As Elbegdorj runs for re-election, a fellow Democratic Party politician, N Altankhuyag, has been serving as prime minister since last year’s parliamentary election. The DP also has the chairmanship of parliament, held by Z Enkhbold, and thus controls the legislative calendar. E Bat-Uul, also of the DP, is the mayor of Ulan Bator. The DP thus holds the four most powerful offices in Mongolia. Meanwhile, the largest opposition party, the Mongolian People’s Party (successor to the state socialist MPRP) is in disarray and leaderless, as evidenced by its failure to produce a presidential candidate to oppose Elbegdorj.
Despite the seemingly overwhelming power of the DP, there are cracks in its rule. In parliament, it governs in a shaky coalition with the Justice Coalition and the Civil Will Green Party. A DP member of parliament, S Bayartsogt, recently resigned as deputy chairman of parliament after reports that he had an offshore company and a Swiss bank account. The MPP is calling for Bayartsogt’s resignation from his parliamentary seat and an investigation by the Anti-Corruption Agency, and pushing for a no-confidence vote in Prime Minister Altankhuyag.
Some observers, especially in Mongolia, have expressed fears that the country is increasingly led by “oligarchs”. But Mongolia’s business leaders are not Russian-style oligarchs, in part because they represent conglomerates that, in many cases, have become legitimate diversified business groups. Mongolian democracy was lucky in that the country’s resource wealth was not fully recognized until nearly 20 years after the democratic revolution and an initial wave of privatisation in the chaotic 1990s. Except for the still-unresolved case of the murder of democracy activist S Zorig in 1996, Mongolian politics have been free from the violence that seems to mark Russian oligarchs and their disagreements. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, these businessmen have been elected to parliament as legitimately nominated members of their respective parties.
The main concern about the role of businessmen in parliament and cabinet is, of course, that their private interests may trump their obligation to act in the public interest as legislators. This is the fear that motivates the beefed-up anti-corruption and conflict of interest legislation and enforcement in Mongolia. The major parties are complicit in the presence of rich politicians by charging candidates a fee that is used to fund campaign activities. Mongolian democracy is wrestling with one of the challenges – campaign finance – that all democracies seem to face worldwide.
The parties also suffer from a lack of an ideological or political basis. While the DP was in the 1990s seen as a more liberal party, in the European sense of being business-friendly, this distinction has long gone. The MPP has lost all its socialist origins. This lack of an ideological base has not only opened the parties to powerful businessmen, but has also created space for short-term populism in debates about mining policy, for example.
Like other democracies, Mongolia continues to live with institutional short-comings, less-than-stellar politicians and occasional scandals. Given the surprising emergence and durability of democracy in Mongolia, it is entirely appropriate to celebrate this achievement by hosting an international democracy caucus in Ulan Bator.
Julian Dierkes is associate professor at the Institute of Asian Research, University of British Colombia
Organic approach by Winn Wittman
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, natural palette plays the important role in creating a haven for bathroom. And this approach is showed on the pictured bathroom designed by architect Winn Wittman.
Beside cedar cabinetry and mosaic walls for the walk-in shower, the bathtub and vanities are carved with greyish granite with crisp exterior and sleek interior. Pebble stone is embossed in tile flooring.
"These pebbles are so much like the tub they almost seem to be remnants of the carving," said Wittman.
"The tub is a very sculptural piece in this setting," added Wittman. "It evokes a sense of ceremony associated with the bathing ritual. The whole master suite was created to provide a very tranquil, relaxing retreat."
To adopt the classical European style, symmetry is used with the set of twin vanity units including washbasins, mirrors, lighting system, and cabinetry.
Qualcomm Reaches Agreement with Bluetooth Specialist CSR on $2.5 Billion Bid
ReplyDelete(digital marketing agency, restartbox.com)- Dominant mobile chipmaker Qualcomm Inc. has officially come to an agreement with British Bluetooth specialist CSR on a $2.5 billion bid as the US-based company targets at diversifying into the markets for short-range, wireless Bluetooth chips and audio processing used in portable audio, automotive controls and wearable devices.
"Combining CSR’s highly advanced offering of connectivity technologies with a strong track record of success in these areas will unlock new opportunities for growth," said Qualcomm Chief Executive Steven M. Mollenkopf.
Meanwhile, CSR CEO Joep van Beurden is also pleased with the deal, claiming the two companies are a good combination.
Pastoral Italian by Mitch Kunik and Lesly Maxwell
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"All the materials have been distressed to provide an authentic, weathered patina," designer Lesly Maxwell stated. "The ambiance is further enhanced by a solid wood mantel above the cooking hearth, which was reclaimed from an old barn."
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The Comfortable and Welcoming House
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In addition, the house, Kofunaki House has a total surface of 1,424sqf and it was structured on two levels.
As the designers said, “the concept behind the project is the connection between man and nature, a liaison that has been around since ancient times.
Large windows connect the interiors with the surrounding landscape, while wood is present throughout the house, inspiring warmth.
Pebbles and flower pots, ethereal curtains, cement flooring and plenty of natural light- all these elements diminish the indoor/outdoor borders.
Even though the arrangements are minimalist, the design of this contemporary home turns simplicity into bliss.
Every room seems especially “equipped” to offer a comfortable life, without the pretentious details most modern home owners put on display”.
The Beautiful VIP Lounge
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By this way, the passengers are encouraged to spend the time between flights resting on a comfy bed or sofa, watching TV or reading.
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Indeed, the average waiting time in the boarding area is 1 hour and 43 minutes, time that can be spent in one of the 9 rooms.
The Cozy and Impressive Interior of the Paradise Cove
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one more thing, the house features an extravagant all-white exterior and it accommodate four bedrooms with ocean views, spa-like bathrooms, a library, office, a palatial-like living room.
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Moreover, the bedrooms and children’s room are much more dynamic from a chromatic point of view. Furthermore, all the rooms are embellished with exotic plants and flowers.
Perspective zone by James Fraerman
ReplyDelete"Situated at the meeting point of two ravines, the tableland the home sits on is of limited size," said architect James Fraerman of his concept in designing his own house. "But from it, we wanted to achieve an expansive feel that would optimize the views and reflect the scale of the landscape."
"Almost every room has views of the woodlands, either through its own windows or from vistas provided through this central living area," stated Fraerman, as delivered by trustworthy construction in Cambodia
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"We wanted the home to provide a showcase for our ethnic art collection," said co-owner Andrea Trotenberg. "Abundant natural light and backlit niche shelving achieved this."
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Strong connection by Mark Webber
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“The remodeling project explores the interlocking relationship between the masses and resultant voids in a house. By adding onto and manipulating the simple existing volume, the architect created a variety of outdoor spaces, including an internal terrace, backyard, rear terrace and a breezeway.” said architect Mark Webber.
“Materials with a strong regional presence unify the house with its local context and climate. The metal siding resists the harshest exposures on the exterior, while cypress clads the less-exposed facades. Locally prevalent pecan wood and limestone define the interior. Inside the entry, there is a hovering wood mass that interconnects a soaring 35ft-high void with an adjacent 8ft-high sitting area.” added the architect.